Aug 29 (IPS) – CIVICUS discusses recent leadership changes in Vietnam with David Tran, coordinator of the Alliance for Vietnam’s Democracy, a civil society platform that promotes democracy in Vietnam and the region through international cooperation and strengthening local civil society.
On August 3, President Tom Lam was confirmed as General Secretary of the Communist Party, Vietnam’s top position, following the death of long-serving General Secretary Nguyen Phú Trọng. Lam, who has been president since May, is known for leading an aggressive anti-corruption campaign that has seen many officials jailed and others forced to resign. He will remain president while assuming the duties of General Secretary, potentially allowing him to consolidate power ahead of the 2026 party congress, which will elect Vietnam’s top leaders for the next five years. Civil society fears that if Lam retains both positions, the regime could become even more autocratic and repressive.
What is the political system like in Vietnam and what are the likely consequences of the recent leadership change?
Vietnam is an authoritarian one-party state led by the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP). There are four main positions of authority: the President, who is the ceremonial head of state, the Prime Minister, who heads the government, the Speaker of the National Assembly, the unicameral legislature, and the most powerful, the Secretary-General of the VCP.
Although the president is elected by the National Assembly, this body is predominantly composed of VCP members, who usually approve all sitting members without opposing candidates. On 3 August, after the death of the last VCP Secretary-General, Nguyễn Phu Trọng, Tô Lâm was confirmed as the new VCP leader.
This appointment is particularly significant because it places a great deal of power in the hands of one person. His dual role gives Tô Lâm considerable influence over the state and the party, as well as greater control over the public security apparatus. While he appears to be continuing the policies of his predecessor, there are several cracks beneath the surface. His power will likely be challenged by several VCP members who have been forced into retirement by his “anti-corruption” campaign, essentially an initiative to eliminate competing factions. We can expect this infighting to continue and intensify.
What does the rise of Tô Lâm mean from a human rights perspective?
Tô Lâm has had a long career, including stints as public security minister and member of the politburo. His key role in the previous secretary-general’s “anti-corruption” campaign saw him elected president in May, after his investigations into several prominent politicians and businessmen led to the resignation of his predecessor and other top officials.
The accumulation of power in the hands of the architect of a purge is unlikely to lead to improvements in civic space or human rights. Tô Lâm is closely linked to the deteriorating human rights situation, as the cases of Formosa and Trinh Xuan Thanh clearly illustrate.
In April 2016, the company Formosa caused a environmental disaster when it dumped heavily polluted waste off the central coast of Vietnam, causing widespread damage in at least four provinces and sparking protests. Instead of prosecuting Formosa, Tô Lâm, then minister of public security and responsible for environmental police, suppressed peaceful protests and sentenced 220 people to a total of 133 years in prison, not including probation after release. He said he was protecting Formosa from what he called “hostile forces”—basically anyone who criticized the company.
The second case involves Trinh Xuan Thanh, a former vice chairman of Hau Giang province, who fled to Germany in 2016 after being accused of “willfully violating state regulations, with serious consequences.” He was kidnapped on German soil by the Vietnamese secret service, which falls under the Ministry of Public Security, and returned to Vietnam. Tô Lâm was directly involved in this operation, which Germany condemned as a “scandalous violation” of its sovereignty and a “gross violation of international law.”
Given Tô Lâm’s track record, we expect the human rights situation to deteriorate under his leadership, as Vietnam slides into a police state where human rights and the rule of law are ignored. The already limited space for civil society in Vietnam has shrunk under his leadership and we expect this trend to continue.
What are the challenges for civil society in Vietnam?
Tô Lâm’s rise to power was marked by his continued efforts to suppress disagreementUnder his leadership, the authorities, particularly the Ministry of Public Security, have increasingly tightened their grip on civil society organizations (CSOs). They have new decrees which overregulated the registration and management of foreign civil society organizations and imposed stricter rules on domestic organizations.
They also have armed tax laws and the penal code to target civil society leaders, charging them with offenses such as tax evasion and “abuse of democratic freedoms.” This has led to the imprisonment of prominent activists, including environment and labor rights advocates.
Independent CSOs are under intense scrutiny, with some being dismantled or forced to reorganize to comply with authorities. This has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which authorities have used as a pretext to impose further restrictions on civil society under the guise of public health measures.
Despite this repressive environment, some social service CSOs and philanthropic groups continue to operate and strive to make a positive impact. But their independence is severely limited as they and their activists are continually targeted.
What international support does Vietnamese civil society need?
Human rights organizations and international bodies have expressed concern about the shrinking space for civil society in Vietnam. They have called for respect for freedom of assembly, association and expression and have urged the authorities to ease restrictions. While these statements are important, they must be accompanied by trade sanctions and other enforcement mechanisms. Words alone are not enough.
Unfortunately, human rights in Vietnam are also a victim of geopolitics. As tensions with China increase, the US increasingly sees Vietnam as a counterbalance to China. In this context, human rights and civic space are often sidelined, if not ignored altogether. We believe that a democratic Vietnam would be the best partner and ally in promoting a peaceful, open, and stable Indo-Pacific region.
While Tô Lâm still has a long way to go before he reaches a position comparable to that of Xi Jinping in China, consolidation of power is a common trend we see among communist states in the region. Curiously, given how these two leaders came to power, it could be a sign that the push for human rights and civic space, both domestically and internationally, is working. If the authorities feel compelled to respond by consolidating power and positioning figures like Tô Lâm to counter these movements, there is still hope that we are on the right track.
The public space in Vietnam is shaped by the CIVICUS monitor.
Contact the Alliance for Democracy of Vietnam through its webpage or Facebook page.
© Inter Press Service (2024) — All rights reservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service
