NAIROBI, July 23 (IPS) – The solution to Kenya’s ongoing crisis, which has now spiralled into an anti-government movement, is not as simplistic as lifting punitive measures. Finance Bill 2024 like lately has been proposed by the country’s beleaguered president, who is torn between seeking dialogue with – and threatening – Kenya’s youth as they peacefully struggle for the realization of their constitutional rights.
A month after the unprecedented storming of Kenya’s national parliament, lawmakers are returning to the August House today after a three-week recess, during which they are expected to meet. consider a memorandum on the Finance Bill by President Ruto, who rejected all clauses of the controversial bill.
In addition, they will discuss a supplementary budget and the Bill on income distribution that was also rejected. This plunges the country into a legal quagmire, with the prospect of a vote on a necessary legal framework to enable the government to implement its annual fiscal plans. It is crucial that the president respects institutional independence and refrains from attempting to influence the process; allowing the legislature to freely represent its constituents in decision-making processes.
The President recently appeared to respond to the demands of the sovereign people by dismiss his entire cabinetwho are largely regarded as incompetent and partly responsible for the derailment of the country’s political and socio-economic development.
A year ago he even had inform them for their incompetence, and made them sign performance contracts. Nevertheless, three days ago he reappointed 6 of these dismissed persons, in a selfish move to maintain political milestones at the expense of the country.
This has once again enraged the Kenyan youth and reinforced public sentiment about his unreliability as a leader. There is an opportunity for parliament to reject his nominees and for the president to embark on a new age, gender and ethnicity inclusive and ability-based approach in the reshuffle of his cabinet.
The proposed law that fueled the current events in the country had attempted to bridge a $2.7 billion national budget deficit by raising taxes on an already financially burdened citizenry. Yet the government has been financially wasteful, in violation of the requirement for prudent and responsible and prudent expenditure of public funds.
Remember that the president will be in office in 20 months has made 62 visits to 38 countries. The cost of these trips includes his presidential delegation and their daily allowances. This excludes other travel by state officials. In addition, the State House was renovated in a cost US$6.8 million. It could be argued that the problem is not a revenue crisis, but rather a question of expenditure. Moreover, there is a lack of transparency in government financing, which has created speculation about the regime’s voracious appetite for both legal and odious debt.
Ironically, William Ruto, once a village chicken seller, campaigned on a bottom-up economic modelwith the promise to create a favorable business climate that ‘scammers’ – or ordinary citizens, who have long suffered from unfavorable employment, business and investment opportunities.
These are largely reserved for the elite who come from or have strong ties to political dynasties that have ruled the country since independence. This potential shift was exciting for Kenyans who have wanted change for decades. Nevertheless, the president has failed to deliver on his campaign promises, further dissatisfying the young citizens who form the majority of the population.
What’s worse is that those in his ranks are using the Kenyans contempt and arrogance creating a utopian and false sense of impunity, violating laws on leadership and integrity as enshrined in Chapter 6 of the Constitution of Kenya.
Currently, Kenya spends 68% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on meeting its financial obligations. recent report from Christian Aid stresses that Kenya could spend US$3.7 billion on health and education if the country did not have to pay foreign debts.
This amount is $1 billion more than the current budget deficit, which will help address the ailing social sectors, plagued by strikes and the ultimate suffering of sick patients and school children.
While promoting debt-free economies is idealistic given the global polycrisis and other economic and political factors, it offers an ambition that can guide our development plans, particularly for resource-rich African countries that have the prospects to close these gaps and unlock new financing for the continent’s development.
President Ruto is using international platforms to promote an economic agenda under his foreign policy. This includes the Group of 7 (G7) and the African Union which recently appointed him as their champion of global institutional reforms to lead, among other things, an African Alliance of Multilateral Financial Institutions. He also co-leads a International Tax Task Force to Promote Development Funded by the European Climate Foundation.
These efforts to reform an unjust and racist international financial system that traps low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) and plunges them into debt distress are overdue. Nevertheless, the president’s pursuits do not inspire confidence, as his foreign external positions do not reflect his domestic positions – and vice versa.
It is therefore difficult to support his efforts for debt restructuring, forgiveness and reform when it appears that taxpayers’ money is being used to sustain the extravagant lifestyles of political elites at the expense of a citizenry already struggling with unbearable economic hardships.
In recent weeks, Ruto has deployed the state apparatus to suppress peaceful protesters And media coverage of civil unrest. These have manifested themselves through forced disappearancesarbitrary arrests, police brutality and extrajudicial executionsThey even tried in vain to ban illegally protests in Nairobi.
Yet, one of the transformative changes brought about by the 2010 constitution was the reform of the Kenya Police Force – a legacy of the imperialists – into a people-centred Kenyan police service.
Then, through the National Police Commission Act the police must maintain the highest standards of professionalism and discipline. Furthermore, they must comply with the constitutional norms of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the performance of their duties. Despite this, the police service has largely changed in name only and not in practice, as it still suffers from a 61-year-old colonial hangover that seeks to cling to unlimited power and impunity.
While it is true that peaceful protests have in the past been infiltrated by criminals who have destroyed property and harmed innocent Kenyans, it is important that the police are given a protest notice to ensure the protection of protesters and the maintenance of law and order.
Furthermore, there is a National Intelligence Service equipped and funded to ensure that verifiable threats to the Republic are legally contained. It is ironic then that the government claims to be overpowered by youthful protesters carrying phones, placards and water bottles in the streets, while responding with violence, chemical warfare and guns.
The president must use this historic turning point to bridge the trust deficit he has created. This should be done by institutionalizing mechanisms for respect for the rule of law; this will address the litany of corruption and incompetent leadership in his administration, including curbing police powers.
Ultimately, he must rebuild broken social systems and stimulate economic prosperity. Until then, the Zoomers will continue to pressure his government until they finally succeed in voting him out of office in the next election, making him a one-term president – the first in Kenya’s history.
Stephanie Musho is a human rights lawyer and a Senior New Voices Fellow at the Aspen Institute
© Inter Press Service (2024) — All rights reservedOriginal source: Inter Press Service
